concentrated power by the colonial families of New England and
New York. The old aristocracy of the South was more fortunate in
the maintenance of its power. Jefferson's party was not only well
disciplined; it gave its confidence to a people still accustomed
to class rule and in turn was supported by them. In a strict
sense the Virginia Dynasty was not a machine like Van Buren's
Albany Regency. It was the effect of the concentrated influence
of men of great ability rather than a definite organization. The
congressional caucus was the instrument through which their
influence was made practical. In 1816, however, a considerable
movement was started to end the Virginia monopoly. It spread to
the Jeffersonians of the North. William H. Crawford, of Georgia,
and Daniel Tompkins, of New York, came forward as competitors
with Monroe for the caucus nomination. The knowledge of this
intrigue fostered the rising revolt against the caucus.
Twenty-two Republicans, many of whom were known to be opposed to
the caucus system, absented themselves. Monroe was nominated by
the narrow margin of eleven votes over Crawford. By the time
Monroe had served his second term the discrediting of the caucus
was made complete by the nomination of Crawford by a thinly
attended gathering of his adherents, who presumed to act for the
party. The Virginia Dynasty had no further favorites to foster,
and a new political force swept into power behind the dominating
personality of Andrew Jackson.

The new Democracy, however, did not remove the aristocratic power
of the slaveholder; and from Jackson's day to Buchanan's this
became an increasing force in the party councils. The slavery
question illustrates how a compact group of capable and
determined men, dominated by an economic motive, can exercise for