is collateral evidence. Indeed, it would not have been Burrian
had he left any written evidence of his connection with the
organization. For Burr was one of those intriguers who revel in
mystery, who always hide their designs, and never bind themselves
in writing without leaving a dozen loopholes for escape. He was
by this time a prominent figure in American politics. His skill
had been displayed in Albany, both in the passing of legislation
and in out-maneuvering Hamilton and having himself elected United
States Senator against the powerful combination of the
Livingstons and the Schuylers. He was plotting for the Presidency
as the campaign of 1800 approached, and Tammany was to be the
fulcrum to lift him to this conspicuous place.

Under the ostensible leadership of Matthew L. Davis, Burr's chief
lieutenant, every ward of the city was carefully organized, a
polling list was made, scores of new members were pledged to
Tammany, and during the three days of voting (in New York State
until 1840 elections lasted three days), while Hamilton was
making eloquent speeches for the Federalists, Burr was secretly
manipulating the wires of his machine. Burr and Tammany won in
New York City, though Burr failed to win the Presidency. The
political career of this remarkable organization, which has
survived over one hundred and twenty years of stormy history, was
now well launched.

From that time to the present the history of Tammany Hall is a
tale of victories, followed by occasional disclosures of
corruption and favoritism; of quarrels with governors and
presidents; of party fights between "up-state" and "city"; of
skulking when its sachems were unwelcome in the White House; of