practice, Congress considers only such measures as are
recommended by its own committees. The framers of the
Constitution took special pains to fortify the President's
position by the veto power, which is treated at length in the
Constitution. By a special clause, the veto power was extended to
"every order, resolution or vote... except on a question of
adjournment"--a clause which apparently should enable the
President to strike off the "riders" continually put upon
appropriation bills to coerce executive action; but no President
has ventured to exercise this authority. Although the Senate was
joined to the President as an advisory council in appointments to
office, it was explained in "The Federalist" that "there will be
no exertion of choice on the part of Senators." Nevertheless, the
Senate has claimed and exercised the right to dictate
appointments. While thus successfully encroaching upon the
authority of the President, the Senate had also been signally
successful in encroaching upon the authority of the House. The
framers of the Constitution anticipated for the House a masterful
career like that of the House of Commons, and they feared that
the Senate could not protect itself in the discharge of its own
functions; so, although the traditional principle that all
revenue bills should originate in the House was taken over into
the Constitution, it was modified by the proviso that "the Senate
may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills." This
right to propose amendments has been improved by the Senate until
the prerogative of the House has been reduced to an empty form.
Any money bill may be made over by amendment in the Senate, and
when contests have followed, the Senate has been so successful in
imposing its will upon the House that the House has acquired the
habit of submission. Not long before the election of Cleveland,