unity in sentiment, such a Congress by meeting periodically would
also promote friendship among the republics of the western
hemisphere and supply a convenient means of settling their
disputes.

At this time the United States was regarded by its sister
republics with all the affection which gratitude for services
rendered to the cause of emancipation could evoke. Was it not
itself a republic, its people a democracy, its development
astounding, and its future radiant with hope? The pronouncement
of President Monroe, in 1823, protesting against interference on
the part of European powers with the liberties of independent
America, afforded the clearest possible proof that the great
northern republic was a natural protector, guide, and friend
whose advice and cooperation ought to be invoked. The United
States was accordingly asked to take part in the assembly--not to
concert military measures, but simply to join its fellows to the
southward in a solemn proclamation of the Monroe Doctrine by
America at large and to discuss means of suppressing the slave
trade.

The Congress that met at Panama, in June, 1826, afforded scant
encouragement to Bolivar's roseate hope of interAmerican
solidarity. Whether because of the difficulties of travel, or
because of internal dissensions, or because of the suspicion that
the megalomania of the Liberator had awakened in Spanish America,
only the four continental countries nearest the isthmus--Mexico,
Central America, Colombia, and Peru--were represented. The
delegates, nevertheless, signed a compact of "perpetual union,
league, and confederation," provided for mutual assistance to be