authorities or of military orders. Of other serious grievances
there was no doubt. American citizens were imprisoned, interned
in reconcentrado camps, and otherwise maltreated. The nationality
of American sufferers was in some cases disputed, and the
necessity of dealing with each of these doubtful cases by the
slow and roundabout method of complaint to Madrid, which referred
matters back to Havana, which reported to Madrid, served but to
add irritation to delay. American resentment, too, was fired by
the sufferings of the Cubans themselves as much as by the losses
and difficulties of American citizens.

One change of extreme importance had taken place since the Cuban
revolt of 1868-78. This was the development of the modern
American newspaper. It was no longer possible for the people at
large to remain ignorant of what was taking place at their very
doors. Correspondents braved the yellow fever and imprisonment in
order to furnish the last details of each new horror. Foremost in
this work were William Randolph Hearst, who made new records of
sensationalism in his papers, particularly in the New York
Journal, and Joseph Pulitzer, proprietor of the New York World.
Hearst is reported to have said that it cost him three millions
to bring on the Spanish American War. The net result of all this
newspaper activity was that it became impossible for the American
people to remain in happy ignorance of what was going on in the
world. Their reaction to the facts was their own.

President Cleveland modeled his policy upon that of Grant and
Grant's Secretary, Hamilton Fish. He did not recognize the
independence of the Cuban republic, for that would have meant
immediate war with Spain; nor did he recognize even its