found a voice in Parliament. But, with the exception of the sharp
struggle between the tenant and landlord after the Reform Act of
1867, the effects of enfranchisement on Wales have been very few.
Two Acts alone have been passed as purely Welsh Acts--the Sunday
Closing Act, and the Intermediate Education Act. In Parliament, the
voice of Wales is weak even though unanimous; it can be outvoted by
the capital or by four English provincial towns. Until quite
recently its semi-independence--due to geography and past history--
was looked upon as a source of weakness to the Empire rather than of
strength. Its love for the past appeals to the one political party,
its desire for progress to the other, but its distinctive ideals and
its separate language are looked upon, at the very least, as
political misfortunes. Education and justice have suffered from
official want of toleration; the appointment of a County Court judge
who could not speak Welsh, within living memory, has been justified
by Government on the ground that Englishmen resident in Wales object
to being tried by a Welsh judge.

Far more important to Wales than the Reform Acts are the Local
Government Acts which followed them. When the Reform Act of 1884
added the agricultural labourer to the electors of representatives in
Parliament, every interest had a voice. A further extension of the
franchise would not affect the balance of parties, it was thought;
and a British Parliament has no time or desire to think of sentiment
or theoretical perfection. The Parliament found it had too much to
do, the multiplicity of interests made it impossible to pay effective
attention to them. The result has been that half a century of
extension of the franchise has been followed by half a century of
extension of local government. The County Council Act came in 1888,
and the Local Government Act in 1894.