third places, where we embraced as personal friends, and trifled, at the
same time, upon our being political enemies; and by this sort of badinage
I discovered some things which I wanted to know. There is not a more
prudent maxim than to live with one's enemies as if they may one day
become one's friends; as it commonly happens, sooner or later, in the
vicissitudes of political affairs.

To your question, which is a rational and prudent one, Whether I was
authorized to give you the hints concerning Russia by any people in power
here, I will tell you that I was not: but, as I had pressed them to try
what might be done with Russia, and got Mr. Keith to be dispatched there
some months sooner than otherwise, I dare say he would, with the proper
instructions for that purpose. I wished that, by the hints I gave you,
you might have got the start of him, and the merit, at least, of having
'entame' that matter with Soltikow. What you have to do with him now,
when you meet with him at any third place, or at his own house (where you
are at liberty to go, while Russia has a Minister in London, and we a
Minister at Petersburg), is, in my opinion, to say to him, in an easy
cheerful manner, 'He bien, Monsieur, je me flatte que nous serons bientot
amis publics, aussi bien qu'amis personels'. To which he will probably
ask, Why, or how? You will reply, Because you know that Mr. Keith is gone
to his Court with instructions, which you think must necessarily be
agreeable there. And throw out to him that nothing but a change of their
present system can save Livonia to Russia; for that he cannot suppose
that, when the Swedes shall have recovered Pomerania they will long leave
Russia in quiet possession of Livonia.

If he is so much a Frenchman as you say, he will make you some weak
answers to this; but, as you will have the better of the argument on your
side, you may remind him of the old and almost uninterrupted connection