air of prosperity was perceptible, and Bonaparte proudly put in his claim
to be regarded as the author of it all. With what heartfelt satisfaction
did he likewise cast his eye upon what he called the grand thermometer of
opinion, the price of the funds! For if he saw them doubled in value in
consequence of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, rising as they did at
that period from seven to sixteen francs, this value was even more than
tripled after the vote of Consulship for life and the 'Senates-consulte'
of the 4th of August,--when they rose to fifty-two francs.

While Paris presented so satisfactory an aspect the departments were in a
state of perfect tranquillity; and foreign affairs had every appearance
of security. The Court of the Vatican, which since the Concordat may be
said to have become devoted to the First Consul, gave, under all
circumstances, examples of submission to the wishes of France. The
Vatican was the first Court which recognised the erection of Tuscany into
the Kingdom of Etruria, and the formation of the Helvetic, Cisalpine, and
Batavian Republics. Prussia soon followed the example of the Pope, which
was successively imitated by the other powers of Europe.

The whole of these new states, realms, or republics were under the
immediate influence of France. The Isle of Elba, which Napoleon's first
abdication afterwards rendered so famous, and Piedmont, divided into six
departments, were also united to France, still called it Republic.
Everything now seemed to concur in securing his accession to absolute
power. We were now at peace with all the world, and every circumstance
tended to place in the hands of the First Consul that absolute power
which indeed was the only kind of government be was capable of forming
any conception of. Indeed, one of the characteristic signs of Napoleon's
government, even under the Consular system, left no doubt as to his real
intentions. Had he wished to found a free Government it is evident that