never permit him to depart from those principles which brought about the
Revolution and founded the Republic;--he loved real glory too well ever
to stain that which he had acquired by the abuse of power;--the nation
which he was called to govern was free and generous he would respect and
consolidate her liberty; he would distinguish his real friends, who spoke
truth to him, from flatterers who might seek to deceive him. In short,
Bonaparte would surround himself with the men who, having made the
Revolution, were interested in supporting it.

To these and many other fine things the Consul replied, "This testimony
of the affection of the Tribunate is gratifying to the Government. The
union of all bodies of the State is a guarantee of the stability and
happiness of the nation. The efforts of the Government will be
constantly directed to the interests of the people, from whom all power
is derived, and whose welfare all good men have at heart."

So much for the artifice of governments and the credulity of subjects!
It is certain that, from the moment Bonaparte gained his point in
submitting the question of the Consulate for life to the decision of the
people, there was no longer a doubt of the result being in his favour.
This was evident, not only on account of the influential means which a
government always has at its command, and of which its agents extend the
ramifications from the centre to the extremities, but because the
proposition was in accordance with the wishes of the majority. The
Republicans were rather shy in avowing principles with which people were
now disenchanted;--the partisans of a monarchy without distinction of
family saw their hopes almost realised in the Consulate for life; the
recollection of the Bourbons still lived in some hearts faithful to
misfortune but the great mass were for the First Consul, and his external
acts in the new step he had taken towards the throne had been so