peace, and that he was always the party attacked; his, conduct previous
to the first conquest of Vienna affords a striking example of this
artifice. It was pretty evident that the transformation of the Cisalpine
Republic into the kingdom of Italy, and the union of Genoa to France were
infractions of treaties; yet the Emperor, nevertheless, pretended that
all the infractions were committed by Austria. The truth is, that
Austria was raising levies as secretly as possible, and collecting her
troops on the frontiers of Bavaria. An Austrian corps even penetrated
into some provinces of the Electorate; all this afforded Napoleon a
pretest for going to the aid of his allies.

In the memorable sitting preceding his departure the Emperor presented a
project of a 'Senatus-consulte' relative to the re-organisation of the
National Guard. The Minister for Foreign Affairs read an explanation of
the reciprocal conduct of France and Austria since the peace of
Luneville, in which the offences of France were concealed with wonderful
skill. Before the sitting broke up the Emperor addressed the members,
stating that he was about to leave the capital to place himself at the
head of the army to afford prompt succour to his allies, and defend the
dearest interests of his people. He boasted of his wish to preserve
peace, which Austria and Russia, as he alleged, had, through the
influence of England, been induced to disturb.

This address produced a very powerful impression in Hamburg. For my
part, I recognised in it Napoleon's usual boasting strain; but on this
occasion events seemed bent on justifying it. The Emperor may certainly
have performed more scientific campaigns than that of Austerlitz, but
never any more glorious in results. Everything seemed to partake of the
marvellous, and I have often thought of the secret joy which Bonaparte
must have felt on seeing himself at last an the point of commencing a