he had not accepted his election. But there is no help for it . . . .
He does not like me.'--'Sire, I must take the liberty of saying that your
Majesty labours under a mistake. I know the differences which have
existed between you and General Bernadotte for the last six years. I
know how he opposed the overthrow of the Directory; but I also know that
the Prince has long been sincerely attached to you.'--'Well, I dare say
you are right. But we have not understood each other. It is now too
late. He has his interests and his policy, and I have mine.'"

"Such," added the Prince, "were the Emperor's last observations
respecting me two hours before my departure. The individual to whom I
have just alluded, spoke truly, my dear Bourrienne. I am indeed sorry to
leave France; and I never should have left it but for the injustice of
Bonaparte. If ever I ascend the throne of Sweden I shall owe my crown to
his ill-treatment of me; for had he not persecuted me by his animosity my
condition would have sufficed for a soldier of fortune: but we must
follow our fate."

During the three days the Prince spent with me I had many other
conversations with him. He wished me to give him my advice as to the
course he should pursue with regard to the Continental system. "I advise
you," said I, "to reject the system without hesitation. It may be very
fine in theory, but it is utterly impossible to carry it into practice,
and it will, in the end, give the trade of the world to England. It
excites the dissatisfaction of our allies, who, in spite of themselves,
will again become our enemies. But no other country, except Russia, is
in the situation of Sweden. You want a number of objects of the first
necessity, which nature has withheld from you. You can only obtain them
by perfect freedom of navigation; and you can only pay for them with
those peculiar productions in which Sweden abounds. It would be out of