On the other hand, numbers of ardent and adventurous young men, full of
enthusiasm for Bonaparte, had passed from the school to the camp. They
were entirely opposed to Napoleon's downfall, because with his power
would vanish those dreams of glory and fortune which had captivated their
imaginations. These young men, who belonged to the class which I have
denominated children of the Empire, were prepared to risk and commit
everything to prolong the political life of their Emperor.

The distinction I have drawn between what may be called the men of France
and the men of the Empire was not confined to the army, but was equally
marked among the high civil functionaries of the State. The old
Republicans could not possibly regard Napoleon with the same eyes as
those whose elevation dated only from Napoleon; and the members of
assemblies anterior to the 18th Brumaire could not entertain the same
ideas as those whose notions of national franchises and public rights
were derived from their seats as auditors in the Council of State. I
know not whether this distinction between the men of two different
periods has been before pointed out, but it serves to explain the conduct
of many persons of elevated rank during the events of 1814. With regard
to myself, convinced as I was of the certainty of Napoleon's fall, I
conceived that the first duty of every citizen was claimed by his
country; and although I may incur censure, I candidly avow that
Napoleon's treatment of me during the last four years of his power was
not without some influence on my prompt submission to the Government
which succeeded his. I, however, declare that this consideration was not
the sole nor the most powerful motive of my conduct. Only those who were
in Paris at the period of the capitulation can form an idea of the
violence of party feeling which prevailed there both for and against
Napoleon, but without the name of the Bourbons ever being pronounced.