declaration gave a wider range to the business under consideration.
The question was no longer confined to the capitulation of Paris, but a
change in the government was thought of, and the name of the Bourbons was
pronounced for the first time. I do not recollect which of us it was
who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of the old dynasty,
remarked how difficult it would be to bring about a restoration without
retrograding to the past. But I think I am perfectly correct in stating
that M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall have nothing to fear if we
have a good constitution which will guarantee the rights of all." The
majority of the meeting concurred in this wise opinion, which was not
without its influence on Marshal Marmont.

During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of the
Emperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informed
of the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed
from the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the evening
he was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to
Marshal Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy to
perceive that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was very
different from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. The
officer expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and he
announced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of
Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of the
enemy. The officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the people
rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave the
streets to stone the Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissent
from this absurd idea of defence, and I observed that it was madness to
suppose that Paris could resist the numerous troops who were ready to
enter on the following day; that the suspension of arms had been
consented to by the Allies only to afford time for drawing up a more