this he was right, in this he proved himself the friend of humanity. As
the tumultuous mass approached the triumphal arch and the grand entrance
to the Palace he could not conceal his abhorrence. His Guards were drawn
up under arms, and numerous pieces of artillery, already loaded were
turned out on the Place du Carrousel. He hastily dismissed these
dangerous partisans with some praise, some money, and some drink. On
coming into close contact with such a mob he did not feel his fibre
respond to that of the populace! Like Frankenstein, he loathed and was
afraid of the mighty monster he had put together.

But it was not merely the mob that checked the liberalism or constitution
of Napoleon, a delicate and doubtful plant in itself, that required the
most cautious treatment to make it really take root and grow up in such a
soil: Some of his councillors, who called themselves "philosophical
statesmen," advised him to lay aside the style of Emperor, and assume
that of High President or Lord General of the Republic! Annoyed with
such puerilities while the enemy was every day drawing nearer the
frontiers he withdrew from the Tuileries to the comparatively small and
retired palace of the Elysee, where he escaped these talking-dreamers,
and felt himself again a sovereign: Shut up with Benjamin Constant and a
few other reasonable politicians, he drew up the sketch of a new
constitution, which was neither much better nor much worse than the royal
charter of Louis XVIII. We give an epitome of its main features.

The Emperor was to have executive power, and to exercise legislative
power in concurrence with the two Chambers. The Chamber of Peers was to
be hereditary, and nominated by the Emperor, and its number was
unlimited. The Second Chamber was to be elected by the people, and to
consist of 629 members; none to be under the age of twenty-five. The
President was to be appointed by the members, but approved of by the