shall not be a butcher, because you are not orthodox; and prohibit
another from brewing, and a third from administering the law, and a
fourth from defending the country. If common justice did not
prohibit me from such a conduct, common sense would. The advantage
to be gained by quitting the heresy would make it shameful to
abandon it; and men who had once left the Church would continue in
such a state of alienation from a point of honour, and transmit that
spirit to their latest posterity. This is just the effect your
disqualifying laws have produced. They have fed Dr. Rees, and Dr.
Kippis; crowded the congregations of the Old Jewry to suffocation:
and enabled every sublapsarian, and superlapsarian, and semi-
pelagian clergyman, to build himself a neat brick chapel, and live
with some distant resemblance to the state of a gentleman.

You say the King's coronation oath will not allow him to consent to
any relaxation of the Catholic laws.--Why not relax the Catholic
laws as well as the laws against Protestant dissenters? If one is
contrary to his oath, the other must be so too; for the spirit of
the oath is, to defend the Church establishment, which the Quaker
and the Presbyterian differ from as much or more than the Catholic;
and yet his Majesty has repealed the Corporation and Test Act in
Ireland, and done more for the Catholics of both kingdoms than had
been done for them since the Reformation. In 1778 the ministers
said nothing about the royal conscience; in 1793 no conscience; in
1804 no conscience; the common feeling of humanity and justice then
seem to have had their fullest influence upon the advisers of the
Crown; but in 1807--a year, I suppose, eminently fruitful in moral
and religious scruples (as some years are fruitful in apples, some
in hops),--it is contended by the well-paid John Bowles, and by Mr.
Perceval (who tried to be well paid), that this is now perjury which