past history and its actual tendencies, a standing menace to the
continuance of civilization and religion. An immediate catastrophe,
social, political, and moral, would most assuredly be brought about
by the granting of full elective rights to dependencies thus
inhabited. Enlightened statesmanship should at once perceive the
immense benefit that would ultimately result from such refusal of the
franchise. The cardinal recommendation of that refusal is that it
would avert definitively the political domination of the Blacks,
which must inevitably be the outcome of any concession of the modicum
of right so earnestly desired. The exclusion of the Negro vote being
inexpedient, if not impossible, the exercise of electoral powers by
the Blacks must lead to their returning candidates of their own race
to the local legislatures, and that, too, in numbers preponderating
according to the majority of the Negro electors. The Negro
legislators thus supreme in the councils of the Colonies would
straightway proceed to pass vindictive and retaliatory laws against
their white fellow- [7] colonists. For it is only fifty years since
the White man and the Black man stood in the reciprocal relations of
master and slave. Whilst those relations subsisted, the white
masters inflicted, and the black slaves had to endure, the hideous
atrocities that are inseparable from the system of slavery. Since
Emancipation, the enormous strides made in self-advancement by the
ex-slaves have only had the effect of provoking a resentful
uneasiness in the bosoms of the ex-masters. The former bondsmen, on
their side, and like their brethren of Hayti, are eaten up with
implacable, blood-thirsty rancour against their former lords and
owners. The annals of Hayti form quite a cabinet of political and
social object lessons which, in the eyes of British statesmen, should
be invaluable in showing the true method of dealing with Ethiopic
subjects of the Crown. The Negro race in Hayti, in order to obtain