spoken against lynching, and in other ways has openly or
silently set his influence against sinister schemes and unfortunate
happenings. Notwithstanding this, it is equally true to assert
that on the whole the distinct impression left by Mr.
Washington's propaganda is, first, that the South is justified in
its present attitude toward the Negro because of the Negro's
degradation; secondly, that the prime cause of the Negro's
failure to rise more quickly is his wrong education in the past;
and, thirdly, that his future rise depends primarily on his own
efforts. Each of these propositions is a dangerous half-truth.
The supplementary truths must never be lost sight of: first,
slavery and race-prejudice are potent if not sufficient causes
of the Negro's position; second, industrial and common-
school training were necessarily slow in planting because they
had to await the black teachers trained by higher institutions,--it
being extremely doubtful if any essentially different develop-
ment was possible, and certainly a Tuskegee was unthinkable
before 1880; and, third, while it is a great truth to say that the
Negro must strive and strive mightily to help himself, it is
equally true that unless his striving be not simply seconded,
but rather aroused and encouraged, by the initiative of the
richer and wiser environing group, he cannot hope for great
success.

In his failure to realize and impress this last point, Mr.
Washington is especially to be criticised. His doctrine has
tended to make the whites, North and South, shift the burden
of the Negro problem to the Negro's shoulders and stand
aside as critical and rather pessimistic spectators; when in fact
the burden belongs to the nation, and the hands of none of us