that under very great inequalities in the demand for corn in
different countries, occasioned by a very great difference in the
accumulation of mercantile and manufacturing capital and in the
number of large towns, an equalization of price could take place,
without the transfer of a part of the general supply of Europe, from
places where the demand was comparatively deficient, to those where
it was comparatively excessive.

According to Oddy's European commerce, the Poles can afford to bring
their corn to Danzig at thirty two shillings a quarter. The Baltic
merchants are said to be of opinion that the price is not very
different at present; and there can be little doubt, that if the
corn growers in the neighbourhood of the Baltic could look forward
to a permanently open market in the British ports, they would raise
corn expressly for the purpose. The same observation is applicable
to America; and under such circumstances it would answer to both
countries, for many years to come, to afford us supplies of corn, in
much larger quantities than we have ever yet received from them.

During the five years from 1804 to 1808, both inclusive, the bullion
price of corn was about seventy five shillings per quarter; yet, at
this price, it answered to us better to import some portion of our
supplies than to bring our land into such a state of cultivation as
to grow our own consumption. We have already shown how slowly and
partially the price of corn affects the price of labour and some of
the other expenses of cultivation. Is it credible then that if by
the freedom of importation the prices of corn were equalized, and
reduced to about forty five or fifty shillings a quarter, it could
answer to us to go on improving our agriculture with our increasing
population, or even to maintain our produce in its actual state?