view of the whole question, will be allowed to be of the utmost
importance, both with regard to the stability of the measures to be
adopted, and the effects to be expected from them.

For an attempt to contribute to the stock of information necessary
to form such a decision, no apology can be necessary. It may seem
indeed probable, that but little further light can be thrown on a
subject, which, owing to the system adopted in this country, has
been so frequently the topic of discussion; but, after the best
consideration which I have been able to give it, I own, it appears
to me, that some important considerations have been neglected on
both sides of the question, and that the effects of the corn laws,
and of a rise or fall in the price of corn, on the agriculture and
general wealth of the state, have not yet been fully laid before the
public.

If this be true, I cannot help attributing it in some degree to the
very peculiar argument brought forward by Dr Smith, in his
discussion of the bounty upon the exportation of corn. Those who are
conversant with the Wealth of nations, will be aware, that its great
author has, on this occasion, left entirely in the background the
broad, grand, and almost unanswerable arguments, which the general
principles of political economy furnish in abundance against all
systems of bounties and restrictions, and has only brought forwards,
in a prominent manner, one which, it is intended, should apply to
corn alone. It is not surprising that so high an authority should
have had the effect of attracting the attention of the advocates of
each side of the question, in an especial manner, to this particular
argument. Those who have maintained the same cause with Dr Smith,
have treated it nearly in the same way; and, though they may have