case before us; and that in politics and political economy, we are
to go straight forward, as we certainly ought to do in morals,
without any reference to the conduct and proceedings of others.

There is no person in the least acquainted with political economy,
but must be aware that the advantages resulting from the division of
labour, as applicable to nations as well as individuals, depend
solely and entirely on the power of exchanging subsequently the
products of labour. And no one can hesitate to allow, that it is
completely in the power of others to prevent such exchanges, and to
destroy entirely the advantages which would otherwise result from
the application of individual or national industry, to peculiar and
appropriate products.

Let us suppose, for instance, that the inhabitants of the Lowlands
of Scotland were to say to the Highlanders, 'We will exchange our
corn for your cattle, whenever we have a superfluity; but if our
crops in any degree fail, you must not expect to have a single
grain': would not the question respecting the policy of the present
change, which is taking place in the Highlands, rest entirely upon
different grounds? Would it not be perfectly senseless in the
Highlanders to think only of those general principles which direct
them to employ the soil in the way that is best suited to it? If
supplies of corn could not be obtained with some degree of
steadiness and certainty from other quarters, would it not be
absolutely necessary for them to grow it themselves, however ill
adapted to it might be their soil and climate?

The same may be said of all the pasture districts of Great Britain,
compared with the surrounding corn countries. If they could only