continually agitated, would combine the working men as a class
together, the higher orders might have to consider whether they
would concede the measure that would settle such questions, or
whether they would risk the effect of the working men's combination.

No doubt the question cannot be easily discussed in the abstract;
much must depend on the nature of the measures in each particular
case; on the evil they would cause if conceded; on the
attractiveness of their idea to the working classes if refused. But
in all cases it must be remembered that a political combination of
the lower classes, as such and for their own objects, is an evil of
the first magnitude; that a permanent combination of them would make
them (now that so many of them have the suffrage) supreme in the
country; and that their supremacy, in the state they now are, means
the supremacy of ignorance over instruction and of numbers over
knowledge. So long as they are not taught to act together, there is
a chance of this being averted, and it can only be averted by the
greatest wisdom and the greatest foresight in the higher classes.
They must avoid, not only every evil, but every appearance of evil;
while they have still the power they must remove, not only every
actual grievance, but, where it is possible, every seeming grievance
too; they must willingly concede every claim which they can safely
concede, in order that they may not have to concede unwillingly some
claim which would impair the safety of the country.

This advice, too, will be said to be obvious; but I have the
greatest fear that, when the time comes, it will be cast aside as
timid and cowardly. So strong are the combative propensities of man
that he would rather fight a losing battle than not fight at all. It
is most difficult to persuade people that by fighting they may