must first GAIN authority, and then USE authority; it must first win
the loyalty and confidence of mankind, and then employ that homage
in the work of government.

There are indeed practical men who reject the dignified parts of
Government. They say, we want only to attain results, to do
business: a constitution is a collection of political means for
political ends, and if you admit that any part of a constitution
does no business, or that a simpler machine would do equally well
what it does, you admit that this part of the constitution, however
dignified or awful it may be, is nevertheless in truth useless. And
other reasoners, who distrust this bare philosophy, have propounded
subtle arguments to prove that these dignified parts of old
Governments are cardinal components of the essential apparatus,
great pivots of substantial utility; and so they manufactured
fallacies which the plainer school have well exposed. But both
schools are in error. The dignified parts of Government are those
which bring it force--which attract its motive power. The efficient
parts only employ that power. The comely parts of a Government HAVE
need, for they are those upon which its vital strength depends. They
may not do anything definite that a simpler polity would not do
better; but they are the preliminaries, the needful prerequisites of
ALL work. They raise the army, though they do not win the battle.

Doubtless, if all subjects of the same Government only thought of
what was useful to them, and if they all thought the same thing
useful, and all thought that same thing could be attained in the
same way, the efficient members of a constitution would suffice, and
no impressive adjuncts would be needed. But the world in which we
live is organised far otherwise.