trembling venturesome idea which we cast on doubtful winds, but as a ship
is launched to ride the waters, with huzzas for a thing accomplished.
Mr. Austin raised his shoulders imperceptibly, saying to Miss Halkett:
'The turn will come to us as to others--and go. Nothing earthly can
escape that revolution. We have to meet it with a policy, and let it
pass with measures carried and our hands washed of some of our party
sins. I am, I hope, true to my party, but the enthusiasm of party I do
not share. He is right, however, when he accuses the nation of cowardice
for the last ten years. One third of the Liberals have been with us at
heart, and dared not speak, and we dared not say what we wished. We
accepted a compact that satisfied us both--satisfied us better than when
we were opposed by Whigs--that is, the Liberal reigned, and we governed:
and I should add, a very clever juggler was our common chief. Now we
have the consequences of hollow peacemaking, in a suffrage that bids fair
to extend to the wearing of hats and boots for a qualification. The
moral of it seems to be that cowardice is even worse for nations than for
individual men, though the consequences come on us more slowly.'

'You spoke of party sins,' Miss Halkett said incredulously.

'I shall think we are the redoubtable party when we admit the charge.'

'Are you alluding to the landowners?'

'Like the land itself, they have rich veins in heavy matter. For
instance, the increasing wealth of the country is largely recruiting our
ranks; and we shall be tempted to mistake numbers for strength, and
perhaps again be reading Conservatism for a special thing of our own--a
fortification. That would be a party sin. Conservatism is a principle
of government; the best because the safest for an old country; and the