freedom, obtained for just cause and maintained by the armed hand.
After a long and bloody war, Albert and Philip had at last been brought
to acknowledge the provinces as free countries over which they pretended
to no right, as might be seen by the letters of both, copies of which
were forwarded to the emperor. Full confidence was now expressed,
therefore, that the emperor and all Germany would look with favour on
such a God-fearing transaction, by which an end would be put to so
terrible a war. Thus the States-General; replying with gentle scorn to
the antiquated claim of sovereignty on the part of imperial majesty.
Duly authenticated by citations of investitures, indulgences, and
concordates, engrossed on yellowest parchment, sealed with reddest
sealing-wax, and reposing in a thousand pigeon-holes in mustiest
archives, no claim could be more solemn or stately. Unfortunately,
however, rebel pikes and matchlocks, during the past forty years, had
made too many rents in those sacred parchments to leave much hope of
their ever being pieced handsomely together again. As to the historical
theory of imperial enfeoffment, the States thought it more delicate to
glide smoothly and silently over the whole matter. It would have been
base to acknowledge and impolite to refute the claim.

It is as well to imitate this reserve. It is enough simply to remind the
reader that although so late as the time of Charles V., the provinces had
been declared constituent parts of the empire, liable to its burthens,
and entitled to its protection; the Netherlanders being practical people,
and deeming burthens and protection correlative, had declined the burthen
because always deprived of the protection.

And now, after a year spent in clearing away the mountains of dust which
impeded the pathway to peace, and which one honest vigorous human breath
might at once have blown into space, the envoys of the archduke set forth