from entering himself for the German crown, he grew weary at last of the
importunity with which the scheme was urged. So he wrote a short billet
to his councillor, to be shown to Secretary Neu.

"Dear Jocher," he said, "I am convinced one must let these people
understand the matter in a little plainer German. I am once for
all determined not to let myself into any misunderstanding or even
amplifications with the House of Austria in regard to the succession.
I think also that it would rather be harmful than useful to my house
to take upon myself so heavy a burthen as the German crown."

This time the German was plain enough and produced its effect.
Maximilian was too able a statesman and too conscientious a friend
to wish to exchange his own proud position as chief of the League,
acknowledged head of the great Catholic party, for the slippery,
comfortless, and unmeaning throne of the Holy Empire, which he
considered Ferdinand's right.

The chiefs of the anti-Austrian party, especially the Prince of Anhalt
and the Margrave of Anspach, in unison with the Heidelberg cabinet, were
forced to look for another candidate. Accordingly the Margrave and the
Elector-Palatine solemnly agreed that it was indispensable to choose an
emperor who should not be of the House of Austria nor a slave of Spain.
It was, to be sure, not possible to think of a Protestant prince.
Bavaria would not oppose Austria, would also allow too much influence to
the Jesuits. So there remained no one but the Duke of Savoy. He was a
prince of the Empire. He was of German descent, of Saxon race, a great
general, father of his soldiers, who would protect Europe against a
Turkish invasion better than the bastions of Vienna could do. He would
be agreeable to the Catholics, while the Protestants could live under him