grand result of a movement which was to go on centuries after they had
all been forgotten in their tombs. For the time however it was a valid
and mischievous maxim. In Saxony Catholics and Calvinists were
proscribed; in Heidelberg Catholics and Lutherans. Why should either
Calvinists or Lutherans be tolerated in Styria? Why, indeed? No logic
could be more inexorable, and the pupil of the Ingolstadt Jesuits
hesitated not an instant to carry out their teaching with the very
instrument forged for him by the Reformation. Gallows were erected in
the streets of all his cities, but there was no hanging. The sight of
them proved enough to extort obedience to his edict, that every man,
woman, and child not belonging to the ancient church should leave his
dominions. They were driven out in hordes in broad daylight from Gratz
and other cities. Rather reign over a wilderness than over heretics was
the device of the Archduke, in imitation of his great relative, Philip
II. of Spain. In short space of time his duchies were as empty of
Protestants as the Palatinate of Lutherans, or Saxony of Calvinists, or
both of Papists. Even the churchyards were rifled of dead Lutherans and
Utraquists, their carcasses thrown where they could no longer pollute the
true believers mouldering by their side.

It was not strange that the coronation as King of Bohemia of a man of
such decided purposes--a country numbering ten Protestants to one
Catholic--should cause a thrill and a flutter. Could it be doubted that
the great elemental conflict so steadily prophesied by Barneveld and
instinctively dreaded by all capable of feeling the signs of the time
would now begin? It had begun. Of what avail would be Majesty-Letters
and Compromises extorted by force from trembling or indolent emperors,
now that a man who knew his own mind, and felt it to be a crime not to
extirpate all religions but the one orthodox religion, had mounted the
throne? It is true that he had sworn at his coronation to maintain the