inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important
and compelling fundamental reasons. We can not barter away our
independence or our sovereignty, but we ought to engage in no
refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to argue away
the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its
numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in
the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to
bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested
attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of
even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our
enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force
but of law and trial, not by battle but by reason.

We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any
other countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicated
in the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of
hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order,
protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some
of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens
have advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing
and relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall we fail to
respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in
the rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are requirements
which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in
the world.

Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula
for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of
international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to
prepare such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our