me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of
which the proceedings of a new and free government can more
auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the
duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures
as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under
which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject
further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which
you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the
objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more
consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the
feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation
of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the
rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to
devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the
surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments,
no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the
comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great
assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the
foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and
immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free
government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the
affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I
dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for
my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly
established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature
an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and
advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous
policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since