employments of the kingdom, down to the meanest, with Tories. We
imagined that such measures, joined to the advantages of our numbers
and our property, would secure us against all attempts during her
reign, and that we should soon become too considerable not to make
our terms in all events which might happen afterwards: concerning
which, to speak truly, I believe few or none of us had any very
settled resolution.

In order to bring these purposes about, I verily think that the
persecution of Dissenters entered into no man's head. By the Bills
for preventing Occasional Conformity and the growth of schism, it
was hoped that their sting would be taken away. These Bills were
thought necessary for our party interest, and, besides, were deemed
neither unreasonable nor unjust. The good of society may require
that no person should be deprived of the protection of the
Government on account of his opinions in religious matters; but it
does not follow from hence that men ought to be trusted in any
degree with the preservation of the Establishment, who must, to be
consistent with their principles, endeavour the subversion of what
is established. An indulgence to consciences, which the prejudice
of education and long habits have rendered scrupulous, may be
agreeable to the rules of good policy and of humanity, yet will it
hardly follow from hence that a government is under any obligation
to indulge a tenderness of conscience to come, or to connive at the
propagating of these prejudices and at the forming of these habits.
The evil effect is without remedy, and may, therefore, deserve
indulgence; but the evil cause is to be prevented, and can,
therefore, be entitled to none. Besides this, the Bills I am
speaking of, rather than to enact anything new, seemed only to
enforce the observation of ancient laws which had been judged