funds which he earned and gave over to woman.

In connexion with the financial position of woman as here stated, it
will be well to consider first the rich woman's claim to the vote.

We may seek light on the logical and moral aspects of this claim by
considering here two parallel cases.

The position which is occupied by the peer under the English
Constitution furnishes a very interesting parallel to the position of
the woman who is here in question.

Time out of mind the Commons have viewed with the utmost jealousy any
effort of the House of Lords to obtain co-partnership with them in the
control of the finances of the State; and, in pursuance of that
traditional policy, the peers have recently, after appeal to the
country, been shorn of the last vestige of financial control. Now we
may perhaps see, in this jealousy of a House of Lords, which
represents inherited wealth, displayed by a House of Commons
representing voters electing on a financial qualification, an
unconscious groping after the moral principle that those citizens who
are solvent by their own efforts, and only these, should control the
finances of the State.

And if this analogy finds acceptance, it would not--even if there were
nothing else than this against such proposals--be logically possible,
after ousting the peers who are large tax-payers from all control over
the finances of the State, to create a new class of voters out of the
female representatives of unearned wealth.