a territory exclude slavery from their limits by any fair means,
before it comes into the Union as a State?' I answer emphatically, as
Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times, on every stump in
Illinois, that in my opinion, the people of a territory can, by lawful
means, exclude slavery before it comes ill as a State. [Cheers.] Mr.
Lincoln knew that I had given that answer over and over again. He
heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State,
in 1854, and '55, and '56, and he has now no excuse to pretend to have
any doubt upon that subject. Whatever the Supreme Court may hereafter
decide as on the abstract question of whether slavery may go in under
the Constitution or not, the people of a territory have the lawful
means to admit or exclude it as they please for the reason that
slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless supported by
local police regulations, furnishing remedies aid means of enforcing
the right of holding slaves. Those local aid police regulations can
only be furnished by the local Legislature. If the people of the
Territory are opposed to slavery they will elect members to the
Legislature who will adopt unfriendly legislation to it. If they are
for it, they will adopt the legislative measures friendly to slavery.
Hence no matter what may be the decision of the Supreme Court, on that
abstract questions still the right of the people to make it a slave
territory or a free territory, is perfect and complete under the
Nebraska Bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln will deem my answer satisfactory on
this point." This is the distinct assertion of the power of
territorial legislation to admit or exclude slavery; of the first in
the race of migration who reach a territory, the common property of
the people of the United States to enact laws for the exclusion of
other joint owners of the territory, who may in the exercise of their
equal right to enter the common property, choose to take with them
property recognized by the Constitution, built not acceptable to the