endowment, or waiting until they had an amount of population which
would give some assurance of their ability to maintain a State
government. Though such is the requirement of the law, and designed to
secure exemption from the mischievous agitation which has for several
years disturbed the country and benefitted only the demagogues who
make a trade of politics, we may scarcely hope to escape from a
renewal of the agitation which has been found so profitable. The next
phase of the question will probably be in the form of what is termed
an "enabling act,"--a favorite measure with the advocates of "squatter
sovereignty," who, claiming for the inhabitants of a Territory all the
power of the people of a State, nevertheless consider it necessary
that Congress should confer the power to form a Constitution and apply
as a State. Congress has given authority for admission in some cases,
but I think it better to avoid than to follow the precedent. Not that
I am concerned for the doctrine of "squatter sovereignty," but that I
would guard against the mischievous error of considering the federal
government as the parent of States, and would restrict it to the
function of admitting new States into the Union, barring all
pretension to the power of creating them.

It seems now to be probable that the Abolitionists and their allies
will have control of the next House of Representatives, and it may be
well inferred from their past course that they will attempt
legislation both injurious and offensive to the South. I have an
abiding faith that any law which violates our constitutional rights,
will be met with a veto by the present Executive.--But should the next
House of Representatives be such as would elect an Abolition
President, we may expect that the election will be so conducted as
probably to defeat a choice by the people and devolve the election
upon the House.