extended, provision is made for the inclusion of women. The new party is
organizing in from three to four hundred constituencies, and at the next
general election is not unlikely to gain control of the political balance
of power.

With the majority of Americans, however, the word "labour" as designating
a party arouses suspicion and distrust. By nature and tradition we are
inclined to deplore and oppose any tendency toward the stratification of
class antagonisms--the result of industrial discontent--into political
groups. The British tradition is likewise hostile to such a tendency.
But in Britain the industrial ferment has gone much further than with us,
and such a result was inevitable. By taking advantage of the British
experience, of the closer ties now being knit between the two
democracies, we may in America be spared a stage which in Britain was
necessary. Indeed, the program of the new British Labour Party seems to
point to a distinctly American solution, one in harmony with the steady
growth of Anglo-Saxon democracy. For it is now announced that the word
"labour," as applied to the new party, does not mean manual labour alone,
but also mental labour. The British unions have gradually developed and
placed in power leaders educated in social science, who have now come
into touch with the intellectual leaders of the United Kingdom, with the
sociologists, economists, and social scientists. The surprising and
encouraging result of such association is the announcement that the new
Labour Party is today publicly thrown open to all workers, both by hand
and by brain, with the object of securing for these the full fruits of
their industry. This means the inclusion of physicians, professors,
writers, architects, engineers, and inventors, of lawyers who no longer
regard their profession as a bulwark of the status quo; of clerks, of
administrators of the type evolved by the war, who indeed have gained
their skill under the old order but who now in a social spirit are