not cease; the eyes of Germans still capable of sight must be opened.
But, as the President says, force must be used to the limit--force for a
social end as opposed to force for an evil end. There are those among us
who advocate a boycott of Germany after peace is declared. These would
seem to take it for granted that we shall fall short of victory, and
hence that selfish retaliative or vindictive practices between nations,
sanctioned by imperialism, will continue to flourish after the war. But
should Germany win she will see to it that there is no boycott against
her. A compromised peace would indeed mean the perpetuation of both
imperialism and militarism.

It is characteristic of those who put their faith in might alone that
they are not only blind to the finer relationships between individuals
and nations, but take no account of the moral forces in human affairs
which in the long run are decisive,--a lack of sensitiveness which
explains Germany's colossal blunders. The first had to do with Britain.
The German militarists persisted in the belief that the United Kingdom
was degenerated by democracy, intent upon the acquisition of wealth,
distracted by strife at home, uncertain of the Empire, and thus would
selfishly remain aloof while the Kaiser's armies overran and enslaved the
continent. What happened, to Germany's detriment, was the instant
socialization of Britain, and the binding together of the British Empire.
Germany's second great blunder was an arrogant underestimation of a
self-reliant people of English culture and traditions. She believed that
we, too, had been made flabby by democracy, were wholly intent upon the
pursuit of the dollar--only to learn that America would lavish her vast
resources and shed her blood for a cause which was American. Germany
herself provided that cause, shaped the issues so that there was no
avoiding them. She provided the occasion for the socializing of America
also; and thus brought about, within a year, a national transformation