The contemplated reduction of the governing body of the City is based
upon a specious theory, which will soon be found to be utterly
untenable. It is pretended that if the Courts of Aldermen and of
Common Council were rendered more exclusive, it would be considered a
greater distinction to belong to them, and that consequently a more
wealthy and influential class of individuals would seek to be elected.
In the first place, the exclusiveness sought to be established in the
Corporation of London is the very blot which the Municipal Act was
intended to remove from other corporate bodies. What was in them a
blemish, is to be engrafted as a beauty into the City of London.
But granting that a certain degree of exclusiveness may be not only
unobjectionable, but even desirable, is it so very certain that
opulent bankers and men of high standing in the commercial world will
be thereby induced to offer themselves as candidates for civic
offices? Have they themselves offered any suggestion to this effect,
or asked for any such motive to do their duty as free-born citizens?
Nothing of the kind. It is pure assumption to assert that when the
honour is more difficult of attainment it will become an object of
ambition to the mighty men on 'Change. The witnesses who gave evidence
on this head before the commissioners were unanimous as to the cause
that keeps our princely merchants aloof from the civic arena: it is
want of time. One and all declared that they could not spare the time
from their own pursuits and engagements. Private interests have more
weight with them than those of a public nature; they wish no harm to
their fellow-citizens, but will not sacrifice their own comfort or
profits to toil for their benefit. Indeed, it is by no means manifest
that bankers and merchants are the fittest persons to administer the
affairs of the City. As a rule, their homes are as remote as possible
from the scene of their daily labours. They know nothing whatever of