already in existence. This common-law right has been further specially
confirmed, so far as the City of London is concerned, by an Act of
Parliament in the reign of the third Edward. But considerations of
mere law cannot be expected to have much weight with those who have
resolved upon setting at naught the eternal principles of justice and
equity. Little did the wolf care which way the stream ran, when once
he had made up his mind to dine upon lamb.

Yet one other proof of "liberality" before we close these desultory
observations. At present the Corporation exercises a watchful
surveillance over all persons acting as brokers within the City of
London. No one, indeed, is permitted to carry on that highly
responsible business without the previous sanction of the Court of
Aldermen. This restriction is admitted to have been most beneficial to
the public, and the brokers themselves are fully sensible of its
advantage to themselves by inspiring a reasonable confidence in their
honour and respectability. All this, however, is to be done away with.
Government care for none of these things. They prefer punishment to
prevention. Let every man do as seemeth good in his own eyes, provided
only that he escape conviction for evildoing. In that case the
"majesty of the law" will be vindicated by the house of correction or
the gallows. Why then take any thought to check the downward step?
That is the province of parents, masters, and pastors. The wisdom of
the Legislature cannot stoop to such elemental questions. It is
unworthy of the wise and illustrious senators of this great empire to
take heed of such a vulgar consideration as commercial morality.
This is a free country, wherein every man may freely live, providing
for himself, and warring upon his kind. Such throughout is the tone
and the spirit of the proposed measure for the "better regulation"
of the City of London. If this is better, it is devoutly to be