the Diet had broken into two religious parties; was the whole system
of the Empire still exclusively to follow the one? The emperors had hitherto
been members of the Romish Church, because till now that religion
had no rival. But was it his connexion with Rome which constituted
a German emperor, or was it not rather Germany which was to be represented
in its head? The Protestants were now spread over the whole Empire,
and how could they justly still be represented by an unbroken line
of Roman Catholic emperors? In the Imperial Chamber the German States
judge themselves, for they elect the judges; it was the very end
of its institution that they should do so, in order that equal justice
should be dispensed to all; but would this be still possible,
if the representatives of both professions were not equally admissible
to a seat in the Chamber? That one religion only existed in Germany
at the time of its establishment, was accidental; that no one estate
should have the means of legally oppressing another, was the essential purpose
of the institution. Now this object would be entirely frustrated
if one religious party were to have the exclusive power of deciding
for the other. Must, then, the design be sacrificed, because that which
was merely accidental had changed? With great difficulty the Protestants,
at last, obtained for the representatives of their religion
a place in the Supreme Council, but still there was far from being
a perfect equality of voices. To this day no Protestant prince
has been raised to the imperial throne.

Whatever may be said of the equality which the peace of Augsburg
was to have established between the two German churches,
the Roman Catholic had unquestionably still the advantage.
All that the Lutheran Church gained by it was toleration;
all that the Romish Church conceded, was a sacrifice to necessity,
not an offering to justice. Very far was it from being a peace between