that might bring incalculable harm. Even before I was inaugurated I
came to the conclusion that such a policy was too much to ask the
American people to bear. It involved not only a further loss of
homes, farms, savings and wages but also a loss of spiritual
values--the loss of that sense of security for the present and the
future so necessary to the peace and contentment of the individual
and of his family. When you destroy these things you will find it
difficult to establish confidence of any sort in the future. It was
clear that mere appeals from Washington for confidence and the mere
lending of more money to shaky institutions could not stop this
downward course. A prompt program applied as quickly as possible
seemed to me not only justified but imperative to our national
security. The Congress, and when I say Congress I mean the members
of both political parties, fully understood this and gave me
generous and intelligent support. The members of Congress realized
that the methods of normal times had to be replaced in the
emergency by measures which were suited to the serious and pressing
requirements of the moment. There was no actual surrender of power,
Congress still retained its constitutional authority, and no one
has the slightest desire to change the balance of these powers. The
function of Congress is to decide what has to be done and to select
the appropriate agency to carry out its will. To this policy it has
strictly adhered. The only thing that has been happening has been
to designate the President as the agency to carry out certain of
the purposes of the Congress. This was constitutional and in
keeping with the past American tradition.

The legislation which has been passed or is in the process of
enactment can properly be considered as part of a well-grounded
plan.