invitation, certainly with the consent, of the hierarchy of Quebec.
That intelligent and fearless preacher brought with him a clear and
ringing gospel, a call to all Christian folk to stand up together
and "resist even unto blood, striving against sin"--the sin of
the German war-lords who have plunged the world in agony to enforce
their heresy that Might makes Right.

Such a message, at this time, must be of inestimable value to
the humble and devout people of the province, attached as they are
to their church, and looking patiently to her for guidance. The
parish priests, devoted to their lonely tasks in obscure hamlets,
may get a new and broader inspiration from it. They may have a vision
of the ashes of Louvain University, the ruin of Rheims Cathedral,
wrought by ruthless German hands. Then the church in Quebec will
measure up to the church in Belgium and in France. Then the village
cure will say to his young men: "Go! Fight! It is for the glory
of God and the good of the world. It is for the Christian religion
and the life of free Canada."


"Well, then," says the gentle reader, of a sociological turn of
mind, who has followed me thus far, "what have you got to say about
the big political problem of Quebec? Is a French-speaking province
a safe factor in the Dominion of Canada, in the British Empire? Why
was Quebec so late in coming into this world war against Germany?"

Dear man, I have nothing whatever to say about what you call the
big political problem of Quebec. I told you that at the beginning.
That is a question for Canada and Great Britain to settle. The
British colonial policy has always been one of the greatest liberality