civil answer to persons much above him. All were condemned, absent
and unheard, in arbitrary fines and forfeitures, which swept away
the greatest part of their substance. Such bold oppression can
scarcely be shielded by the omnipotence of parliament; and yet it
maybe seriously questioned, whether the judges of the South Sea
Directors were the true and legal representatives of their country.
The first parliament of George the First had been chosen (1715) for
three years: the term had elapsed, their trust was expired; and the
four additional years (1718-1722), during which they continued to
sit, were derived not from the people, but from themselves; from the
strong measure of the septennial bill, which can only be paralleled
by il serar di consiglio of the Venetian history. Yet candour will
own that to the same parliament every Englishman is deeply indebted:
the septennial act, so vicious in its origin, has been sanctioned by
time, experience, and the national consent. Its first operation
secured the House of Hanover on the throne, and its permanent
influence maintains the peace and stability of government. As often
as a repeal has been moved in the House of Commons, I have given in
its defence a clear and conscientious vote. My grandfather could
not expect to be treated with more lenity than his companions. His
Tory principles and connections rendered him obnoxious to the ruling
powers: his name is reported in a suspicious secret; and his
well-known abilities could not plead the excuse of ignorance or
error. In the first proceedings against the South Sea Directors,
Mr. Gibbon is one of the few who were taken into custody; and, in
the final sentence, the measure of his fine proclaims him eminently
guilty. The total estimate which he delivered on oath to the House
of Commons amounted to 106,543 pounds 5 shillings and 6 pence,
exclusive of antecedent settlements. Two different allowances of
15,000 pounds and of 10,000 pounds were moved for Mr. Gibbon; but,