disputed between the East Franks and the West Franks. And already the
rulers of the new states are identifying themselves with national
sentiments and aspirations; it is not without reason that a later age
has given to Lewis, the first King of the East Franks, the title of "the
German."

(2) But, in the minds of ordinary men, national sentiment was little
more than a contempt for those of alien race and speech. The
nationalities were ready enough to separate one from the other; having
done so, they split asunder into tribal or feudal groups. Thus in
Germany the Saxons, Suabians, Bavarians, Thuringians, Franconians group
themselves round provincial chieftains. West of the Rhine, where Roman
rule had long since weakened tribal feeling, we can see a broad
distinction between the North and South of Gaul, but in each half of the
country the feudal principle is the dominating force; from the middle of
the ninth century we remark the formation of those arbitrarily divided
fiefs which play so large a part in French history. But of the feudal
movement we shall speak elsewhere.

(3) Last but not least we must allow for the disappearance of that moral
enthusiasm which Charles the Great had evoked in his subjects. His
conception of the Empire was too large for narrow minds. They could see
no reason in it. They were acutely alive to the sacrifices which it
demanded in the present, and sceptical as to the advantages which it
promised in the future. The idea of working for posterity does not
naturally occur to half-civilised peoples; they live from hand to mouth,
and are continually absorbed in the difficulties of the moment; they
believe in the supremacy of chance or fate or providence, and speak of
human forethought as presumptuous or merely futile. The imperial
programme was cherished and publicly defended by a little clique of