of Soviets assumed the greatest importance for us.

To counterbalance this, the Mensheviks (Minimalists) and the
Social-Revolutionists put forth the Democratic Conference idea. They
needed this move against both us and Kerensky.

By this time the head of the Ministry assumed an absolutely independent
and irresponsible position. He had been raised to power by the Petrograd
Soviet during the first epoch of the revolution: Kerensky had entered
the Ministry without a preliminary decision of the Soviets, but his
admission was subsequently approved. After the First Congress of
Soviets, the Socialist ministers were held accountable to the Central
Executive Committee. Their allies, the Cadets (Constitutional Democrats)
were responsible only to their party. To meet the bourgeoisie's wishes,
the General Executive Committee, after the July days, released the
Socialist Ministers from all responsibility to the Soviets, in order, as
it were, to create a revolutionary dictatorship. It is rather well to
mention this, too, now that the same persons who built up the
dictatorship of a coterie, come forth with accusations and imprecations
against the dictatorship of a class. The Moscow Conference, at which the
skilfully manipulated professional and democratic elements balanced each
other, aimed to strengthen Kerensky's power over classes and parties.
This aim was attained only in appearance. In reality, the Moscow
Conference revealed Kerensky's utter impotence, for he was equally
remote from both the professional elements and the bourgeois democracy.
But since the liberals and conservatives applauded his onslaughts
against democracy, and the fusionists gave him ovations when he
cautiously upbraided the counter-revolutionaries, the impression was
growing upon him that he was supported, as it were, by both the former
and the latter, and, accordingly, commanded unlimited power. Over