of elections from the order of the day. And, besides, even if it were
called according to the old registration lists under the leadership of
the old parties, the Constituent Assembly would be but a cover and a
sanction for the coalition power. Without the bourgeoisie neither the S.
R.'s nor the Mensheviks were in a position to assume power. Only the
revolutionary class was destined to break the vicious circle wherein the
Revolution was revolving and going to pieces. The power had to be
snatched from the hands of the elements which were directly or
indirectly serving the bourgeoisie and making use of the state apparatus
as a tool of obstruction against the revolutionary demands of the
people.

All power to the Soviets! demanded our party. Translated into party
language, this had meant, in the preceding period, the power of the S.
R.'s and Mensheviks, as opposed to a coalition with the liberal
bourgeoisie. Now, in October 1917, the same motto meant handing over all
power to the revolutionary proletariat, at the head of which, at this
period, stood the Bolshevik party. It was a question of the dictatorship
of the working class, which was leading, or, more correctly, was capable
of leading the many millions of the poorest peasantry. This was the
historical significance of the October uprising.

Everything led the party to this path. Since the first days of the
Revolution, we had been preaching the necessity and inevitability of the
power passing to the Soviets. After a great internal struggle, the
majority of the Soviets made this demand their own, having accepted our
point of view. We were preparing the Second All-Russian Congress of
Soviets at which we: expected our party's complete victory. Under Dan's
leadership (the cautious Cheidze had departed for the Caucasus), the
Central Executive Committee attempted to block in every way the calling