uprising, and were preparing for it in an organized way.

As indicated above, the All-Russian Congress of Soviets was ret for
October 25th. There could be no longer any doubt that the Congress would
declare itself in favor of power being handed over to the Soviets. But
such a resolution must forthwith be put into actuality, else it would
turn into a worthless, Platonic demonstration. The logic of events,
therefore, required us to set the uprising for October 25th. Exactly so
the entire bourgeois press interpreted it. But in the first place, the
fate of the Congress depended upon the Petrograd garrison: would it
allow Kerensky to surround the Congress of Soviets and disperse it with
the assistance of several hundred or thousand military cadets, ensigns
and thugs? Did not the very attempt to remove the garrison mean that the
Government was preparing to disperse the Congress of Soviets? And
strange it would be if it were not preparing, since we were, before the
entire land, openly mobilizing the Soviet forces in order to deal the
coalition forces a death blow.

Thus the conflict at Petrograd was developing on the basis of the
question of the garrison's fate. First and foremost this question
touched all the soldiers to the quick. But the working-men, too, felt
the liveliest interest in the conflict, fearing as they did that upon
the garrison's removal they would be smothered by the cadets and
cossacks. Thus the conflict was assuming a character of the very keenest
nature and developing on a soil extremely unfavorable for Kerensky's
government.

Parallel with this was going on the above-described struggle for
convoking the All-Russian Congress of Soviets--we, openly declaring, in
the name of the Petrograd Soviet and the Northern Region Congress, that