body created by Tseretelli and his adherents, and by focusing on the
Soviet institutions, the entire attention and all the forces of the
working class. This is why I proposed the demonstrative withdrawal from
the Conference and a revolutionary agitation, in shops and regiments,
against the attempt to play false with the will of the Revolution and
once again turn its progress into the channel of cooperation with the
bourgeoisie. Lenin, whose letter we received a few days later, expressed
himself to the same effect. But in the party's upper circles hesitation
was still apparent on this question. The July days had left a deep
impression in the party's consciousness. The mass of workingmen and
soldiers had recovered from the July debacle much more rapidly than had
many of the leading comrades who feared the nipping of the Revolution in
the bud by a new premature onslaught of the masses. In our group of the
Democratic Conference, I mustered 50 votes in favor of my proposal
against 70 who declared for participating in the Democratic Council.
However, the experience of this participation soon strengthened the
party's left wing. It was growing too manifest that combinations
bordering on trickery, combinations that aimed at securing further
leadership in the Revolution for the professional elements, with the
assistance of the fusionists, who had lost ground among the lower levels
of the people, offered no escape from the impasse into which the laxness
of bourgeois democracy had driven the revolution. By the time the
Democratic Soviet, its ranks filled up with professional elements,
became a Pre-Parliament, readiness to break with this institution had
matured in our party.



THE S. R.'S AND MENSHEVIKS