committees from the companies, regiments and commands. The influence of
our party in the garrison was established definitely and indestructibly.
The Petrograd District Staff was in a state of extreme perplexity. Now
it would attempt to enter into regular relations with us, then again,
egged on by the leaders of the Central Executive Committee, it would
threaten us with repressive measures.

Above, mention has already been made of organizing, at the Petrograd
Soviet, a Military Revolutionary Committee, which was intended to be, in
fact, the Soviet Staff of the Petrograd garrison in opposition to
Kerensky's Staff. "But the existence of two staffs is inadmissible," the
representatives of the fusionist parties dogmatically admonished us.
"But is a situation admissible, wherein the garrison mistrusts the
official staff and fears that the transfer of soldiers from Petrograd
has been dictated by a new counter-revolutionary machination?" we
retorted. "The creation of a second staff means insurrection," came the
reply from the Right. "Your Military Revolutionary Committee's task will
not be so much to verify the operative projects and orders of the
military authorities as the preparation and execution of an insurrection
against the present government." This objection was just: But for that
very reason it did not frighten anybody. An overwhelming majority of the
Soviet was aware of the necessity of overthrowing the coalition power.
The more circumstantially the Mensheviks and S. R.'s demonstrated that
the Military Revolutionary Committee would inevitably turn into an organ
of insurrection, the greater the eagerness with which the Petrograd
Soviet supported the new fighting organization.

The Military Revolutionary Committee's first act was to appoint
commissioners to all parts of the Petrograd garrison and all the most
important institutions of the capital and environs. From various