but acquire a certain political respect for them and a desire to
preserve a political bond with them; it might otherwise be in danger of
losing contact with the peasantry. In the memories of the older
generation of workingmen, the lesson of 1905 was firmly fixed; then, the
proletariat was defeated just because the heavy peasant reserves did not
arrive in time for the decisive battle. This is why in this first period
of the revolution even the masses of workingmen proved so much more
receptive to the political ideology of the Social-Revolutionists and the
Mensheviki. All the more so, since the revolution had awakened the
hitherto dormant and backward proletarian masses, thus making uninformed
intellectual radicalism into a preparatory school for them.

The Soviets of Workingmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies meant,
under these circumstances, the domination of peasant formlessness over
proletarian socialism, and the domination of intellectual radicalism
over peasant formlessness. The soviet institution rose so rapidly, and
to such prominence, largely because the intellectuals, with their
technical knowledge and bourgeois connections, played a leading part in
the work of the soviet. It was clear to us, however, that the whole
inspiring structure was based upon the deepest inner contradictions, and
that its downfall during the next phase of the revolution was quite
inevitable.

The revolution grew directly out of the war, and the war became the
great test for all parties and revolutionary forces. The intellectual
leaders were "against the war." Many of them, under the Czarist regime,
had considered themselves partisans of the left wing of the
Internationale, and subscribed to the Zimmerwald resolution. But
everything changed suddenly when they found themselves in responsible
"posts." To adhere to the policy of Revolutionary Socialism meant, under