that the Bolshevik "adventure" had been disposed of and that Kerensky
had entered Petrograd and was establishing order with an iron hand. On
the other hand, in Petrograd itself, the bourgeois press, emboldened by
the proximity of Kerensky's troops, wrote about the complete
demoralization of the Petrograd garrison; about an irresistible advance
of the Cossacks, equipped with much artillery; and predicted the
imminent fall of the Smolny Institute. Our chief handicap was, as
already stated, the lack of suitable mechanical accessories and of men
able to direct military operations. Even those officers who had
conscientiously accompanied their soldiers to the lines, declined the
position of Commander-in-Chief.

After long deliberation, we hit upon the following combination: The
Garrison Council selected a committee of five persons, which was
entrusted with the supreme control of all operations against the
counter-revolutionary forces moving on Petrograd. This committee
subsequently reached an understanding with Colonel Muravief, who was in
the opposition party under the Kerensky regime, and who now, on his
own initiative, offered his services to the Soviet government.

On the cold night of October 30th, Muravief and I started by automobile
for the lines. Wagons with provisions, forage, military supplies and
artillery trailed along the road. All this was done by the workingmen of
various factories. Several times our automobile was stopped on the way
by Red Guard patrols who verified our permit. Since the first days of
the October revolution, every automobile in town had been requisitioned,
and no automobile could be ridden through the streets of the city or in
the outskirts of the capital without a permit from the Smolny Institute.
The vigilance of the Red Guards was beyond all praise. They stood on
watch about small camp fires, rifle in hand, hours at a time. The sight