distribution. Yet Mr. Creel's effort, to which I have not begun to do
justice, did not include Mr. McAdoo's stupendous organization for the
Liberty Loans, nor Mr. Hoover's far reaching propaganda about food,
nor the campaigns of the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A., Salvation Army,
Knights of Columbus, Jewish Welfare Board, not to mention the
independent work of patriotic societies, like the League to Enforce
Peace, the League of Free Nations Association, the National Security
League, nor the activity of the publicity bureaus of the Allies and of
the submerged nationalities.

Probably this is the largest and the most intensive effort to carry
quickly a fairly uniform set of ideas to all the people of a nation.
The older proselyting worked more slowly, perhaps more surely, but
never so inclusively. Now if it required such extreme measures to
reach everybody in time of crisis, how open are the more normal
channels to men's minds? The Administration was trying, and while the
war continued it very largely succeeded, I believe, in creating
something that might almost be called one public opinion all over
America. But think of the dogged work, the complicated ingenuity, the
money and the personnel that were required. Nothing like that exists
in time of peace, and as a corollary there are whole sections, there
are vast groups, ghettoes, enclaves and classes that hear only vaguely
about much that is going on.

They live in grooves, are shut in among their own affairs, barred out
of larger affairs, meet few people not of their own sort, read little.
Travel and trade, the mails, the wires, and radio, railroads,
highways, ships, motor cars, and in the coming generation aeroplanes,
are, of course, of the utmost influence on the circulation of ideas.
Each of these affects the supply and the quality of information and