under the general term instinct of the herd.

Within each social set there are augurs like the van der Luydens and
Mrs. Manson Mingott in "The Age of Innocence," [Footnote: Edith
Wharton, _The Age of Innocence._] who are recognized as the
custodians and the interpreters of its social pattern. You are made,
they say, if the van der Luydens take you up. The invitations to their
functions are the high sign of arrival and status. The elections to
college societies, carefully graded and the gradations universally
accepted, determine who is who in college. The social leaders,
weighted with the ultimate eugenic responsibility, are peculiarly
sensitive. Not only must they be watchfully aware of what makes for
the integrity of their set, but they have to cultivate a special gift
for knowing what other social sets are doing. They act as a kind of
ministry of foreign affairs. Where most of the members of a set live
complacently within the set, regarding it for all practical purposes
as the world, the social leaders must combine an intimate knowledge of
the anatomy of their own set with a persistent sense of its place in
the hierarchy of sets.

The hierarchy, in fact, is bound together by the social leaders. At
any one level there is something which might almost be called a social
set of the social leaders. But vertically the actual binding together
of society, in so far as it is bound together at all by social
contact, is accomplished by those exceptional people, frequently
suspect, who like Julius Beaufort and Ellen Olenska in "The Age of
Innocence" move in and out. Thus there come to be established personal
channels from one set to another, through which Tarde's laws of
imitation operate. But for large sections of the population there are
no such channels. For them the patented accounts of society and the